Memphis was once a bubbling cauldron of racial tension-- some would argue it still is today. Memphis’s role as the hub for “King Cotton” bestowed upon the city a unique combination of rural and metropolitan ideologies behind the false shroud of amenable race relations. The underpinning frustrations of Black Memphians arose in various ways.
During the height of the Civil Rights Movement, students used direct action protests to draw attention to hypocrisy and unjust treatment. For example, post-World War II, students organized to protest segregation after Memphis was denied access to viewing the Freedom Train.
Other Memphians organized through legal challenges, electoral politics and labor organizing. The 1968 Sanitation Strike was the culmination of all prior movements in Memphis-- the result of the racial animus cloaked in gentility. Its role in the Black freedom movement in Memphis was to remove the cloak on a National Stage, exposing the deep-seated plantation mentality that needed to be dismantled.
Although strides have been made in the struggle for freedom, Memphis youth are still pressing for equity in 2017.
The struggle for freedom in Memphis began as a top down movement. Black politics and political participation played a large role in changing conditions for African Americans in Memphis. Politically active Black southerners were the bedrock of the civil rights movement and leaders like Robert Church Jr. were the foremen, organizing the foundation, mobilizing voters for political gain using their influence on the larger mass of Black Memphians to leverage change for the Black community-- even under the yolk of exploitative political conditions. From 1865 - 1916 African Americans especially in Memphis saw a sharp decline in political social status as Southern Democrats ascended to office. However, Black Memphians remained politically active and mobilized.
Robert Church, Jr. was a Memphis businessman and organizer. As the founder of the Lincoln League, an organization of Republicans who aimed to mobilize Black votes for political gain. Church was known for his influence in the Black community and as he successfully mobilized Black votes for the Crump Machine, he began to expand local organizations to a national stage. From 1917 - 1927 local Black political activity spread nationally bringing attention to southern efforts to mobilize Black voters. As national politics changed Robert R. Church Jr.’s political power waned. The shift of African American party allegiance in the 30s also affected Church’s influence.
In 1940, Mississippi migrant Susie Bryant realized her power to vote was just as limited in Memphis under Boss Crump’s “reign of terror” as it was in Greenwood, Mississippi. Bryant, a Mississippi native saw her journey to Memphis as an opportunity for racial independence. (insert footnote plantation mentality) Bryant was eager to register to vote, as she believed black Memphians enjoyed the independence and right to cast their ballot. Soon after registering and preparing to vote, Bryant learned that local politics in Memphis were not much different than her hometown.
While Greenwood had in place voting restrictions that disenfranchised Black residents, The Crump machine in Memphis, exerted their influence over Black Memphians by paying poll taxes, doling out jobs and offering neighborhood enhancements such as paving streets in exchange for their unfaltering vote. Crump’s “reign of terror” was an attempt to stifle Black Republican action, labor activism and to maintain the racial hierarchy in Memphis.
Crump ensured that civil rights in Memphis remained stagnant by threatening and following through with violence toward those who dare challenge his machine. (river of hope)
In the 40s, Black Memphians, disillusioned with Crump’s tyrannical rule resisted through direct action protests and electoral politics, withholding their vote and even attempting to challenge Crump backed candidates through single shot voting. While elite Black Memphians fought for political freedom, working class and impoverished Memphians struggled for their humanity.
An incident that occurred in 1955 at Joel’s Cafe, a Downtown Memphis soul food restaurant owned by Whites aroused the fight for humanity that was the foundation of labor movements in Memphis. The owners saw it fit to use an elderly black woman dressed in the style of a “mammy” to attract customers. Offended, six workers complained to the owners about the use of racial stereotypes and were met with an ultimatum: “ if you don’t like it get your clothes and get out. As the “Patio 6” attempted to walk out and were locked in by the owners and later charged by the police for disorderly conduct. The persistence of stereotypes and extension of African Americans working in menial jobs beyond the plantation reinforced their perceived subservience. Impromptu strikes like those of the “Patio 6,” made out of Black laborers in Memphis leaders and gave to the laborers a sense of agency. The bravery of these laborers lead to the materialization of the Memphis Citizens Committee for the Promotion of justice, an organization of Black ministers who bestowed upon themselves the duty of speaking on behalf of the “heroes in a common place.” Black Memphians reacted by continuing mobilizing for labor empowerment. The culture of labor protest was born as a response to the attempt to maintain the status quo.
Memphis’ civil rights movement experienced reinvigoration in the 1960s, with Memphis efforts for Black advancement becoming more successful. Maxine Smith of the local NAACP branch organized the community picketing, protests and sit ins drawing attention to segregation and lack of employment opportunities for Black Memphians. The freedom movement was started by the youth. The efforts of these youth led to the desegregation of public and private facilities and better employment opportunities. Though the movement was fraught with violence threats and condemnation the end goal was worth it to Black Memphians. The black freedom movement in Memphis lead to gains like the token desegregation of the elementary schools in Memphis. Though, there was still a fight to be had for economic, political and social progress.